The Monopoly of Influence: Why Diversifying Civic Power is Australia’s Next National Priority via the Royal Commission on Antisemitism and Social Cohesion

Australia calls itself a representative democracy, yet our civic influence is increasingly concentrated in the hands of a few wealthy lobby groups, media monopolies, and a small circle of “authorised” peak bodies. This is the quintessential Bermuda Triangle of Australian Governance: a zone where accountability vanishes, and the voices of multicultural communities, and democracy itself, simply disappear.

This concentration does more than shape policy; it acts as a Narrative and Funding Bottleneck. These actors determine whose voices are heard, which communities receive investment, and ultimately, who is allowed to participate in the future of our nation. When a small number of entities control the “plumbing” of political influence, social cohesion doesn’t just suffer—it collapses.

To understand why trust in institutions is at an all-time low, we must examine the three pillars of Monopoly Influence: Funding, Narrative, and Access.

1. The Funding Monopoly: Manufactured Capacity

We often hear that multicultural communities are “disengaged” or “hard to reach.” This is a convenient myth. The reality is that these communities are structurally excluded by the very frameworks designed to support them.

The evidence of this exclusion is not hidden; it is written into our government’s funding guidelines.

Case Study: The GO6565 Media Literacy Grant A recent example is the $1.5 million Multicultural Media Literacy Grant (GO6565) by the Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications, Sport and the Arts

While the program’s intent was to safeguard diverse communities against misinformation, the eligibility criteria were restricted to a single, pre-determined national peak body to administer its implementation.

https://www.grants.gov.au/Go/Show?GoUuid=ca559b50-6ef0-4c02-bb4c-cda26ff96300 (Note, the eligibility criteria)

By mandating a “closed-competitive” process restricted to a single national peak body, rather than opening the grant to organizations with demonstrated expertise in media literacy delivery, the department effectively:

  1. Stifled Innovation: Locked out specialized and emerging organizations that hold the specific community data and trust required for such a high-stakes program, including those that have delivered media literacy training to multicultural communities.
  2. Manufactured Capacity: Targeted public funds toward “uplifting” an incumbent intermediary rather than leveraging existing experts already active in the field.

The Resulting “Tender Moat”

This concentration of influence has reached a critical stage with the subsequent, recent launch of the National Media Literacy Strategy Co-design Tender (Feb 2026).

https://minister.infrastructure.gov.au/wells/media-release/australias-first-national-media-literacy-strategy-step-closer

In reviewing the tender requirements, the pattern of exclusion is clear: the initial $1.5 million grant appears to have functioned as a non-competitive pathway that positions the recipient organization to compete for the broader national strategy tender.

When government policy functions to help an “authorised” body win further tenders rather than finding the best service provider, social cohesion is traded for institutional convenience.

Furthermore, the three-week application window for the National Media Literacy Strategy co-design tender, raises a structural concern. A National strategy co-design requires consortium formation, governance alignment, community validation, and technical integration. These activities cannot be meaningfully assembled within such a compressed timeframe, unless relationships, staffing, and scope were already in place. While procedurally compliant, such timelines risk entrenching existing intermediaries and undermining the stated objectives of innovation, diversity, and plural participation.

This is “Monopoly Influence” in action: a managed system that rewards institutional longevity over actual capability and community impact.

The Systemic Risk: From Ceremonial to Statutory

The limitations of this “ceremonial” model of multiculturalism have finally reached a breaking point. The 2025 Victorian Multicultural Review (The Lekakis Review) confirmed what COMPELL has long advocated: our existing institutions have become largely ceremonial and are failing to resolve the sophisticated social cohesion challenges of 2026.

As a result, we are seeing a historic structural shift. In Victoria, the establishment of Multicultural Victoria and the appointment of a Multicultural Coordinator General represent a move toward statutory power. However, a new government body is only as effective as the leaders who navigate it. Will we continue to see the the same faces circulating within the “authorised” and established peak body Eco-system to lead newly mandated organisations?

2. The Narrative Monopoly: The Media Bottleneck

Australia’s media landscape is one of the most concentrated in the developed world. This creates a “Narrative Bottleneck” where a few major corporations determine the “loyalty” and “value” of millions of Australians.

During the 2025 electoral cycle, we witnessed the weaponisation of this monopoly.

https://www.skynews.com.au/australia-news/politics/claim-of-china-interference-in-kooyong-involving-monique-ryan/video/e03125e83473d0f89da19f4345e9204a

The civic participation of multicultural volunteers was frequently framed through a lens of suspicion and “foreign interference” without the cultural context or data required for a fair assessment. When a media monopoly controls the public square, it doesn’t just report the news, it creates a climate of fear that discourages diverse communities from engaging in the democratic process at all.


3. The Access Monopoly: The “Orange Pass” Economy

In Canberra, political influence is a commodity traded behind closed doors. The “Lobbying Monopoly” refers to a small number of professional firms and legacy peak bodies that hold the coveted “Orange Passes”—giving them physical and strategic access to Parliament House that is denied to ordinary citizens.

With 80% of lobbying activity conducted by in-house representatives who are not required to report their meetings on a public register, we have created a “Civic Gentry.” This class of influencers is permanently inside the tent, while multicultural and grassroots leaders are forced to petition from the sidewalk. True cohesion is impossible as long as policy is co-designed by the same recurring actors in a “closed shop” environment.

“While only 20% of commercial lobbyists are registered, the remaining 80%—the in-house power movers—operate in the shadows, many holding one of the 1,977 ‘Orange Passes’ that provide unescorted access to the halls of power (Senate Inquiry, 2024; Grattan Institute, 2025).”


Who benefits from the status quo

To be clear: the individuals within these institutions are not villains. Many are dedicated public servants. But the system itself creates perverse incentives.

Peak bodies become focused on maintaining their position rather than serving communities. Media companies optimize for engagement rather than truth. Lobbyists serve clients who can pay, not citizens who can’t. The system is the problem.

The Systemic Solution: The ACE Civic Capability Standard

If we are to move from a “managed” democracy to a truly pluralistic one, we must diffuse influence through the National Civic Capability Infrastructure. The Australian Civic Excellence (ACE) Standard is our structural corrective. It is a national benchmark designed to:

  • Dismantle Monopolies: Providing multiple, verified pathways for community leaders to enter boards, parliaments, and policy rooms.
  • De-risk Participation: Ensuring that the “Social Cohesion Commitment” now required by government is met with actual competency, not just performative statements.
  • Demand Accountability: Moving away from “connection-based” funding and toward “performance-based” outcomes.

What happens if we don’t act

If we continue down this path, the consequences are predictable: Far-right political parties increase their voter base. Multicultural communities disengage entirely from democratic participation. And the next crisis, whether it’s another pandemic, conflict, or economic shock, will be managed by institutions that don’t represent or understand half the country.

This isn’t just about fairness. It’s about national resilience.

Conclusion: A Mandate for the Royal Commission on Social Cohesion

The Royal Commission into Antisemitism and Social Cohesion, led by the Hon. Virginia Bell AC, must recognize that you cannot fix “disharmony” without first addressing the monopoly of influence.

Trust is not something you “build” through a superficial community workshop or with stricter laws targeting residents who have been denied the tools of civic literacy. Trust is something you earn by making the corridors of power accessible to everyone. Only by diffusing influence can we ensure that the “pen on the policy” reflects the modern Australian reality.

The Commission’s final report, due in December 2026, has the opportunity to move beyond security-led responses and toward a National Civic Capability Infrastructure that treats every Australian as a stakeholder, not just a subject.


It is time to dismantle the monopolies and build a democracy that works for the many, not just the “authorised” few. The Bermuda Triangle of governance, and Monopoly of influence is now a national security risk that must not be ignored.


This article was written by Tharini Rouwette, the CEO of Allies in Colour – The National Independent Peak Body for Multicultural Australians.

Allies in Colour owns COMPELL.

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